Tinubu’s Education Promises and the Politics of Deception: When Presidential Stories Collide With Public Reality

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From the celebrated Chicago taxi-driver story to billions of naira in education announcements, Nigerians deserve more than inspiring speeches. They deserve verifiable facts, measurable results and a president who can be held accountable for his words. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu's latest message on education is carefully constructed around a compelling personal story. He tells Nigerians that when he first arrived in the United States as a young man, he drove a taxi to finance his education. He says he postponed starting school for several months to save money, worked different jobs in Chicago and struggled to pay his tuition and accommodation. The story is designed to establish a connection between the President's personal experiences and the economic struggles of Nigerian students. It presents him as someone who understands the sacrifices required to obtain an education because he supposedly experienced those sacrifices himself. But there is a fundamental probl...

He Put Himself Between the Police and the Students: What Bally Bagayoko’s Tear-Gassing Says About France

On October 6, 2026, a remarkable scene unfolded during France's escalating student protests.

Bally Bagayoko, the mayor of Saint-Denis, a northern Paris suburb, walked directly between riot police and student protesters.

He raised his hands.

He told the police to stop.

Then the police advanced.

Tear gas reached him.

Video subsequently showed Bagayoko struggling with the effects of the gas while supporters helped him rinse his eyes with saline solution.

His explanation was simple:

“The high school children who were in the street could be my children.”

And, he said, that made it his responsibility to stand with them.


That sentence captures something much larger than one confrontation.

Because France is not merely dealing with another protest.

It is confronting a crisis over what happens when young people stop believing that institutions are listening to them.

The protests did not begin with tear gas

The immediate temptation is to make the story about police and protesters.

But that misses how the movement started.

Students have been protesting overcrowded classrooms, deteriorating school buildings, shortages of teachers and unequal educational opportunities.

In Saint-Denis, the problems are particularly stark.

The city's poverty rate is more than twice the French national average, according to reporting on the protests.

One of the most revealing complaints came from students in vocational education:

One workshop had one screwdriver for 26 students.

Think about that.

France is one of the world's richest economies.

It possesses nuclear weapons, a permanent seat on the UN Security Council, a major aerospace industry and one of Europe's largest economies.

Yet students are protesting because their classrooms lack basic resources.

That contradiction is at the heart of the anger.

Then the police entered the equation

The demonstrations have now spread far beyond Saint-Denis.

On October 6, more than 266,000 people demonstrated across France, according to AP, including approximately 56,000 in Paris. Nearly 500 people were detained that day, while more than 6,500 arrests had been recorded since the movement began, the majority involving minors.

The government says police have also been injured.

That matters.

A serious account cannot pretend that every protester is peaceful or that every police intervention is unjustified.

There have been reports of projectiles, fires, vandalism and confrontations.

But there is another side to the story.

More than 200 students and dozens of education workers have reportedly been injured, alongside hundreds of police officers. Eighteen internal police investigations have been opened, according to reporting on the government's response.

And one incident dramatically changed the political atmosphere.

A 15-year-old student in Lens lost a hand after picking up a police grenade during clashes.

The French Interior Ministry subsequently suspended the use of those grenades during the student demonstrations.

That does not prove that police systematically acted unlawfully.

But it demonstrates why the question of police tactics has become impossible for the government to ignore.

Why Bagayoko matters

Bagayoko's intervention is especially significant because he is not simply another protester.

He is an elected mayor.

His job requires him to represent his municipality while also dealing with the police, the state and residents whose interests may conflict.

Instead of standing safely at the edge of the demonstration, he physically placed himself between young protesters and the police.

According to Bagayoko, police decided to charge the students even though many had shown no aggressive behaviour, prompting him to move into the middle to protect them and ask officers to stop.

That is an extraordinary choice for an elected official.

It also carries political risks.

Bagayoko was already controversial

This is where the story gets more complicated.

Bagayoko had already attracted criticism for his comments about violence.

On September 29, while supporting students blocking a Saint-Denis high school, he said that “violence, at some point, can be legitimate.”

The Paris police prefect subsequently referred the matter to prosecutors, alleging possible incitement to commit an offence.

Bagayoko rejected that interpretation.

He subsequently insisted that he opposed violence and repeatedly called for peaceful demonstrations and de-escalation.

That distinction matters.

His position can be criticised politically without falsely claiming that he called for protesters to attack police.

The evidence shows something more complicated: he argued that history sometimes produces legitimate forms of violence while simultaneously saying that he personally rejected violence and wanted the demonstrations to remain peaceful.

This is bigger than one mayor

The most important question is not whether Bagayoko behaved heroically.

That is a judgment viewers can make for themselves.

The more important question is:

Why did a mayor feel compelled to physically stand between teenagers and riot police in the first place?

That question takes us back to the schools.

France is experiencing a contradiction between its image as a powerful state and the lived experience of some of its young citizens.

A teenager doesn't experience France's nuclear deterrent.

They experience their classroom.

They experience whether their teacher turns up.

They experience whether the school building works.

They experience whether there are enough materials.

They experience whether adults in power listen when they complain.

And when those institutions fail repeatedly, the political system eventually encounters the consequences in the street.

The danger of treating young protesters as a security problem

There is a legitimate role for the police.

Public demonstrations cannot become a licence for assault, arson or destruction.

But policing cannot solve the underlying political problem.

Bagayoko has repeatedly argued precisely this point: the Interior Ministry can provide a security response, but it cannot provide an educational solution.

That is an important distinction.

A government can disperse a crowd.

It cannot disperse the grievance that created the crowd.

It can arrest teenagers.

It cannot arrest overcrowded classrooms.

It can deploy riot police.

It cannot deploy riot police to repair a broken school roof or manufacture missing teachers.

Eventually, somebody has to address the original problem.

And that is where France's credibility is being tested

France routinely presents itself as a defender of republican values.

Liberty.

Equality.

Fraternity.

But these words become meaningful only when citizens experience them.

For a teenager in a deprived suburb, equality cannot simply mean having the same constitutional rights on paper.

It also means having a realistic opportunity to receive a decent education.

This is why Saint-Denis matters.

The suburb has long been associated with inequality, poverty, migration and social exclusion.

Yet it also sits next to some of the most visible symbols of French national prestige.

The Stade de France is there.

Major international events are there.

Paris is nearby.

And now the cameras are there too.

They are showing France something it may prefer not to see.

Bagayoko's body became the message

Whatever one's politics, the image is difficult to ignore.

An elected mayor standing between police and teenagers.

Police advancing.

Tear gas filling the space.

The mayor retreating while trying to protect his eyes.

Supporters pouring saline solution into them.

It is an unusually physical representation of the relationship between the state and the people it governs.

But there is also a warning here.

Politicians should not have to become human shields because institutions have failed to communicate.

A functioning democracy should have mechanisms that allow grievances to be heard before people end up facing riot police.

And a functioning education system should not require teenagers to blockade schools before politicians pay attention.

The bigger lesson

The French government's challenge is therefore much larger than restoring order.

It has to restore credibility.

The government has promised an action plan on the students' demands by the end of October.

That will matter more than any number of arrests.

Because the ultimate test is not whether France can clear a street.

It is whether France can make the young people occupying that street believe that their voices have finally been heard.

Bally Bagayoko's decision to stand between police and protesters has become a viral image.

But the real story is not one mayor versus the police.

It is a question every government eventually has to answer:

When young citizens take to the streets because they believe the system has stopped listening, does the state answer them with force—or does it finally listen?

France has the opportunity to choose the second.

And the longer it waits, the more expensive the first becomes.

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